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The Civil War and the American Mind
by Sheldon Richman, November
2000
THE CIVIL WAR and
its militaristic effect on American society had important consequences for
the nationalist collectivization of America that occurred in the following
decades. It encouraged collectivist intellectuals to vigorously promote their
reform visions and it won thinkers to the collectivist cause. It even
convinced some individualists that the world had changed, making their
worldview outdated.
Individualism devalued
The war effort devalued the
individualism that had characterized earlier Jeffersonian America. Service to
the Union became the new reigning ideal. Order, government planning, and
regimentation rose in value. Independent thought seemed more a liability than
an asset.
The war, wrote historian Allan Nevins,
transformed an inchoate nation, individualistic in temper and wedded to
improvisation, into a shaped and disciplined nation, increasingly aware of the
importance of plan and control.
A symbol of that change in mindset is
Ralph Waldo Emerson, the transcendentalist author of Self-Reliance,
who before the war represented a distinctively American
cantankerous individualism opposed to institutions and their impositions on
the person. When the war came along, Emerson expressed approval that it
imposed obligations on everyone. He hoped no one would be exempt from
the public duty. In a 180-degree turn, he assigned government
and civilization priority over the private man. In
American Civilization, written in 1862, he was willing to grant
government, in his words, the absolute powers of a dictator in
a crisis. Emersons characteristic emphasis on individualism
and anarchism disappeared, writes historian George Frederickson.
In Emersons words, War
organizes [and] forces individuals and states to combine and act with larger
views. Self-reliance was now replaced by service and obedience,
particularly in the military. His new views influenced his outlook on culture, as
evidenced by his support for a state-created National Academy of Literature
and Art.
After the war, intellectuals were more
interested than previously in a strong central government and nationalism.
Postwar poetry rhapsodized on the glory of the nation. Herman Melville wrote
about empire, not freedom. The crushing of the Southern secession
demonstrated the need for strong government and citizen compliance with
the state.
As a result, there was increasing
tolerance of tyranny in Russia and France. Frederickson comments,
The Civil War, by making the very concept of
revolution or rebellion anathema to many
Northerners, had widened the gulf that separated 19th-century Americans
from their revolutionary heritage. The conservative Orestes Brownson
stated that the mission of America is not so much the realization of
liberty as the realization of the true idea of the state.
Postwar social sciences
It is in the postwar period that the
social sciences began their rise to prominence. The objective of these new
disciplines was not knowledge for its own sake. They [the new social
scientists] sought the laws underlying social, economic, or
legal phenomena in the hope of finding ways to discipline society and control
its events. Those intellectuals also saw themselves as most suited to
wield influence if not power itself in the new rationally planned society. Eldon
Eisenach calculates that of the 19 most prominent authors of
Progressive public doctrine, 9 were founding members of the
American Economic Association; 9 others helped start the American
Sociological Association.
The collectivist intellectuals believed
that the Civil War held important lessons for the new America. It
wasnt war itself that they valued, but the things that war brought.
John W. Draper, for example, wrote that war taught subordination and
stimulated an appreciation of order. Men, said Draper, love to
obey those they believe are their intellectual superiors. In
military life they learn to practice that obedience openly, he said,
adding that individualism was to blame for the war.
What intellectuals such as Francis A.
Walker, Charles Francis Adams Jr., and future U.S. Supreme Court Justice
Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. wished for was, in Fredericksons words, a
continuance ... of the crisis mentality of war. That mentality
would maintain the sense of duty to society that was palpable during the war.
While those men wanted conservative objectives served, others, such as
John Wesley Powell, had humanitarian ends in mind.
The problem for these thinkers was
that peacetime did not inspire service and sacrifice to the nation. People
became centered on their own lives, their families, and immediate
communities. But war was a call to duty and the strenuous
life. If only a substitute for war could be found, a call to duty that did
not involve bloodshed. There is one thing I do not doubt, said
Holmes, and that is that the faith is true and adorable which leads a
soldier to throw away his life in obedience to a blindly accepted duty, in a
cause which he little understands, in a plan of campaign of which he has no
notion, under tactics of which he does not see the use.
The philosopher William James also
wished for a moral equivalent of war, a way to marshal the
spirit of selfless service under government direction without the
unpleasantness of combat. He advocated conscription of young people for
civilian service in mines, road building, and fishing boats to get the
childishness knocked out of them. Praising the martial
virtues, James called for the surrender of private
interest in favor of obedience to command.
Individualism and selfishness
The theme that individual liberty,
private property, and laissez faire were selfish recurs
throughout the postwar collectivist and Progressive literature. Thus, if
selfishness was bad, then its institutions were thereby condemned. This
fitted nicely with the religious views of many of the reformers. Baptist
theologian and reformer Samuel Zane Batten wrote in The Christian
State, Just so far as democracy means the enthronement of
self-interest and the apotheosis of individual desire . so far it becomes an
iniquitous and dangerous thing. He also said, True liberty
means the voluntary sacrifice of self for the common life. Another
clergyman-activist, George Herron was blunter: Sin is pure
individualism.
Civil War intellectuals
No one better exemplifies the profound
influence of the Civil War on the intellectuals than Edward Bellamy, author of
the highly influential novel Looking Backward (1888). As a child
during the war, Bellamy became preoccupied with military discipline. It deeply
affected him and shaped his thinking as an adult. In 1889 he wrote a short
story, An Echo of Antietam, in which he described a group of
men marching to join the Union army. The imposing mass,
Bellamy wrote, gives the impression of a single organism. One forgets
to look for the individuals in it, forgets that there are individuals. He
lamented that the martial spirit could not be preserved without the hostility
of war: What a pity that the tonic air of battlefields ... cannot be
gathered up and preserved as a precious elixir to reinvigorate the
atmosphere in times of peace, when men grow faint of heart and cowardly,
and quake at the thought of death.
Bellamy took this so seriously that he
drew up a blueprint presented in the form of a novel for a
new society built along military lines but without warfare as the objective.
Even though Bellamy and his intellectual allies eschewed the horrors of war,
they could not help but concede its value. Bellamys protagonist, Dr.
Leete, states that occasional wars ... were absolutely necessary to
prevent your society, otherwise so utterly sordid and selfish in its ideas,
from dissolving into absolute putrescence.
We know well from the work of Robert
Higgs that war is a convenient excuse for the state to assume
unprecedented powers that are never fully abandoned after the war. The
Civil War teaches us that war can also create the intellectual and
psychological changes necessary to make the newly powerful state
acceptable even to previously cantankerous Jeffersonians.
Sheldon Richman is senior fellow at The Future of Freedom
Foundation and editor of Ideas on Liberty. This is an excerpt from
his forthcoming book, Tethered Citizens: Time to Abolish the Welfare
State, published by The Future of Freedom Foundation.
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