Ever since the September 11 attacks, it has almost been taboo, within both
the U.S. government and the mainstream press, to openly examine and analyze
the three specific reasons that Osama bin Laden has given for his holy war
against the U.S. government and the American people.
Suppose someone has told me that he intends to kill me. Even though I intend
to defend myself by meeting force with force, I'm going to ask him an
important question: "Why do you want to kill me?"
Suppose the answer is, "Because I hate you for believing that Jesus Christ
is Lord." My response will be to defend myself because I'm not about to give
up that belief even if it might cost me my life.
But suppose my enemy says, "I want to kill you because you are having an
affair with my wife." The affair would not justify his murder of me, either
legally or morally, but it certainly might explain why he's so angry and why
he wants to kill me. It would behoove me to have this information because I
might decide that continuing the affair is no longer worth it and because
altering my conduct might cause my enemy to alter his.
But the only way I can get to that point is by asking, "Why do you want to
kill me?"
Osama bin Laden and his coterie of terrorists have given three reasons for
their terrorist acts: (1) The stationing of U.S. military personnel in Saudi
Arabia, which they say encompasses the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and
Medina; (2) The 10-year embargo against Iraq, which, it is reported, has
caused the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi children; and (3) U.S.
economic and military aid to Israel.
One response might be: "We shouldn't care about their motives for killing --
all that matters is that our government officials kill them before they kill
us." But that position is problematic for two big reasons: (1) Even if
current terrorists are killed first, wouldn't new ones, driven by the same
motives, surface to take their place? and (2) Isn't it possible that the
terrorists might kill many of us before our government officials find and
kill all of them?
A second possible response is: "The terrorists hate us so much that it
doesn't matter what our government's foreign policy is and therefore there's
no sense in reexamining it." Even if it is true that the terrorists are
motivated by blind hatred, however, is it not always a good idea to
periodically reexamine government policies, especially with the thought of
terminating those that are not achieving their goals and that are actually
producing perverse consequences?
What would be wrong with a reevaluation of the U.S. government's Middle East
policy, even while efforts are being made to bring the people who committed
the September 11 attacks to justice? Couldn't this result in a better
direction for our country -- one that might also alter the mindset and
behavior of people who want to kill us? The following questions could be
asked in such an inquiry:
(1) Why are U.S. troops still stationed in Saudi Arabia, especially given
that the Persian Gulf War ended some 10 years ago? Are the troops really
based on Islamic holy lands, and is that really an important religious issue
for Muslims? What would be the downside to immediately pulling U.S. troops
out of Saudi Arabia?
(2) Has the embargo against Iraq succeeded in altering Saddam Hussein's
cruel and brutal treatment of Iraqi citizens? Has it prevented him from
producing weapons of mass destruction, and might there be a better way to
address that problem? Has the embargo really caused the deaths of hundreds
of thousands of Iraqi children, as UN officials contend and, if so, why
doesn't that alone dictate its immediate termination? What would be the
downside to immediately ending the embargo against Iraq?
(3) Why should the U.S. government continue giving economic and military aid
to Israel? Why shouldn't all foreign aid be privatized, which would mean
that American citizens would no longer be taxed for the purpose of providing
foreign aid to anyone but would be free to privately donate their own money
to anyone they wish, including Israel? What would be the downside to
depoliticizing foreign aid?
Some might suggest that a reevaluation of our government's Middle East
policy would be "appeasing" the terrorists. But wouldn't that be a
short-sighted excuse for continuing what is possibly a failed or bankrupt
policy and for not trying to find what might be a better course of action
for the future?
Some might say that it's not patriotic to question the policies of one's own
government during wartime. I say that genuine patriotism involves not a
blind allegiance to one's government even in war but rather a love of
country that sometimes entails trying to move one's government in a more
positive, constructive direction.
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