The glaring absence of unconventional Iraqi arms should
not blind us to the fact that even if Saddam Hussein had
amassed chemical, biological, and yes even
nuclear weapons, he would not have posed a threat to the
American people. As offensive tools, those weapons would
have been useless.
How could that be? Simply put, with the United States and
Israel armed with the most sophisticated weapons
imaginable including nuclear bombs it is
unthinkable that the former Iraqi president would have
embarked on the suicidal mission of attacking either
nation. From recent history (Libya, Iran) he already knew
that to sponsor even a conventional terrorist attack on
Americans or Israelis would bring deadly retaliation.
This explains why he never supplied Palestinians with any
of the unconventional weapons he possessed in the past.
It should be kept in mind that until recently chemical
and biological weapons have not been regarded as weapons
of mass destruction (WMDs). This is a category
deliberately broadened for rhetorical purposes to
spook the American people into supporting an offensive
war against a government that did not attack them or,
indeed, even show signs of wanting to.
Why are chemical and biological weapons not classified as
WMDs? Because it is difficult although not
impossible to use them to kill large numbers of
people. Weather and other conditions have to be just
right. A shift in wind can send a poisonous cloud back
over ones own forces. Killing masses of people is
far easier with conventional bombs such as those used by
the U.S. government in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Serbia. The
power to define is the power to control. Some of the most
lethal weapons on earth are held by the U.S. government
but are not classified as weapons of mass destruction.
Yet if even one vial of old anthrax is found buried deep
in the ground in Iraq, it will be proclaimed as proof
that Hussein had an arsenal capable of killing
multitudes. This would be propaganda, not rational
analysis.
Nuclear weapons, on the other hand, are and have been
properly classified as capable of mass destruction. But
what good would they have done Hussein? Not much. He is
anything but suicidal. Yet using nuclear weapons against
the United States or Israel would have meant almost
certain death for him and his regime.
Their uselessness as offensive weapons does not mean that
Hussein would have had no interest in acquiring them.
There are other uses besides offense: specifically,
deterrence and prestige. As for the first, the example of North
Korea comes to mind. No one believes that the United
States will treat Kim Jong Il as it treated Saddam
Hussein. The reason is that Kim may already have a
nuclear deterrent, and the U.S. authorities dont
want to endanger the people of South Korea.
Deterrence works, and Hussein knew it. In the past he got
pushed around. In 1981 Israel, using U.S.-supplied
weapons and satellite photography, bombed Iraqs
Osirak nuclear reactor (which some authorities outside of
Iraq claimed was only a power plant), and the United
States drove him out of Kuwait 10 years later. Hussein
could do nothing but stand by and watch. The irony of
Israels action was that Iraq had signed the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty and was subject to annual
inspections, while Israel, which has had nuclear bombs
for decades, has never signed the treaty, does not
officially acknowledge the existence of those weapons,
and does not permit inspections. Israels attack on
the installation was a clear declaration that it intended
to enforce its nuclear monopoly in the Middle East.
How was Hussein to establish himself as the leader of the
Arab world if such things could repeatedly happen? He
needed the bomb to deter a repetition and to establish
himself as a leader with clout against the West.
The bottom line is that even if Iraq had tried to acquire
uranium from Niger and centrifuge-suitable aluminum
tubes, its nuclear program would have given Saddam
Hussein no means of threatening the American people.
Sheldon Richman is senior fellow at The Future of Freedom Foundation, and
editor of Ideas on Liberty magazine and author of Ancient History: U.S. Conduct in the Middle East since World War II and the Folly of Intervention.. Send him email.
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